Problemy Dalnego Vostoka

In today's rapidly changing environment of strategic rifts in the world, the relations between the three neighboring states identified in the title of the article are also dynamically evolving and being filled with new content. Since the establishment of the DPRK and the PRC, the interaction between them, although not cloudless at times, has generally remained close, defined by good-neighborly partnership and, at certain stages, even allied obligations. In the face of new challenges to their security posed by the United States and its allies, in recent years the three states under consideration have objectively had additional grounds for strengthening cooperation with each other. The actual rapprochement of the three mainland states and the existence of a fundamental prerequisite for its further deepening in the form of a varying degree of hostile policy on the part of the U.S. toward all three mentioned states has seriously concerned U.S. strategists and stimulated the focus of close attention to the study of this phenomenon in order to find ways to separate the members of this "troika" from each other. At the same time, one cannot deny the objective fact that the rapid growth of the Russian-North Korean relations has aroused close attention in China, including in its expert community, in some segments of which different approaches to this phenomenon, including certain concerns, have manifested themselves. The conclusion is that the it is realistic that there are objective divergences of interests of the three countries on some specific issues, which, of course, require joint heightened and sensitive attention. Therefore, Moscow, Beijing and Pyongyang should by no means underestimate the possible negative effect of these factors and should further improve both the quality of bilateral consultations and the level of coordination of their actions on the Korean Peninsula, in the Northeast Asia region and in the world as a whole.

China is moving to an innovative stage of economic development. When comparing China with the world leaders in the development of science and technology (the EU, the USA, Japan, and the Republic of Korea), China ranks first in terms of people employed in science and technology and second after the United States in terms of research and development costs. China imports many high-tech products, but exports more, being a world leader in the export of office and telecommunications equipment. The high share of high-tech products in the Chinese economy is largely due to the concentration of technology developers' efforts on applied research. Another component of China's economic success in the field of high technology is the combination of a broad research front with a concentration of efforts in particularly relevant areas. Thus, the production of computers, communication and electronic equipment is in the first place in terms of research and development costs from all industries. 20 % of all funds is spent on this area. In the second place is the production of electric machines and appliances (10 % of the cost), slightly less goes to research in the automotive industry. These positions are the strongest in China's exports and account for about 40 % of research and development costs. A very important feature of China's innovation environment is that it is part of China's business. Business, not the government, is the main agent generating research and innovation. An important feature of China's innovation complex is its reliance on a local base combined with attracting investments from other countries. More than 80 % of investments in research and development come from sources in China, but another 9 % each come from Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and other countries. Currently, China has developed a modern, powerful and efficient model for the production of knowledge and its rapid implementation in the economy. It is successfully operating, providing high rates of economic growth.

In view of the "double carbon" goal ("carbon peak and carbon neutrality"), green new energy cooperation between China and Russia is strategically important. This partnership is becoming a key driver for the formation of technological sovereignty in the low-carbon sector of Eurasia. The complementary advantages of the two sides' resource conditions, high political trust and the common goal of carbon neutrality by 2060 have created conditions for the two countries to expand green energy cooperation. In recent years, China-Russia energy trade in natural gas, renewable energy, nuclear energy and other energy sources has gradually increased, with the volume and types of cooperation expanding and energy cooperation projects making progress. However, China faces obstacles such as a low share of clean energy trade, lagging infrastructure development, international political influence, high energy market volatility, and an imperfect digital management system. To address these challenges, China and Russia need to further strengthen political mutual trust, while enhancing innovation in energy science and technology, expanding the depth of cooperation in the industrial chain, introducing innovative financial cooperation, and improving digital energy management capabilities to promote the green and diversified development of energy cooperation, thereby ensuring the sustainable development of the two economies and steady improvement. Successful implementation of this agenda will significantly contribute to achieving Paris Agreement goals and strengthen BRICS leadership in the global low-carbon transition.

This paper elaborates on the recent trends in social and economic development of China’s Tibet in the context of the two opposing narratives, created and promoted by the government of PRC and Central Tibet Administration. While the former stresses out the economic and social achievements of the central government during the last seventy years, the latter tries to play them down by insisting that Tibetans need only religious freedoms. As it turns out, however, the compromise between these two narratives is reachable thanks to recent rise of tourism in Tibet. From one side, it creates wealth and promotes economic development. From another side, this development becomes possible only in case religious freedoms exist. Drawing on examples from other regions of China, where such sort of cultural tourism has been developing for a certain period of time, this paper warns that the above scenario has its own pitfalls. Selling religious tradition can cause its secularization that in turn leads to marginalization of local people. It is suggested that by strictly adhering to the principles of Chinese that implies priority of the common interests over the individual ones can prevent this scenario. This paper concludes that combination of tourism, Buddhism and socialism can create a new, unique Tibet development model.

This paper examines the reasons for the inefficiency of anti-corruption measures in an authoritarian state using the example of the People's Republic of China. The author concludes that corruption in an authoritarian regime arises as a result of the contradiction between officially established behavioral norms and actual bureaucratic practices, as well as due to the absence of institutions ensuring equal access to public goods. Unlike Western countries, where the development of democracy and the rule of law has partially solved the problem of corruption, traditional moral control systems continue to operate in China, which cannot fully replace formal institutions. A conceptual model of interaction between an authoritarian state and corruption is proposed, based on the historical experience of China.

This paper explores the prospects for the development of cooperation between Russia and China in the field of engineering. Current trade trends between the two countries are analyzed, as well as the potential for expanding collaboration through the implementation of preferential regimes, investment programs and educational integration. Measures are proposed to modernize transport infrastructure, develop joint research and strengthen personnel base for high-tech industries. The necessity of overcoming technological gaps and strengthening the innovation ecosystem is emphasized in order to deepen bilateral interaction under sanctions pressure.

This paper analyzes Japanese research on the Soviet-Japanese War of 1945, focusing on various historiographical approaches and dominant narratives. Both official positions and critical interpretations of the events are examined, including their impact on modern perceptions of the conflict. Special attention is given to the use of historical materials in shaping public opinion and myths about the past. A critical approach to presenting the history of the war is proposed as a means to overcome stereotypes and mistrust, which could foster the development of good-neighbourly relations and prevent future conflicts.

This paper analyzes the position of the Chinese National Government regarding the Soviet Union's withdrawal from the League of Nations in 1939. Special attention is given to diplomatic challenges associated with maintaining a balance between alliance obligations toward the Entente countries and the desire for neutrality in the conflict between the USSR and Finland. The article demonstrates how domestic and external factors influenced the decision to abstain from voting on this issue in the League of Nations Council.